On April 30, 1789 George Washington took the inaugural oath as the first President of the United States of America, serving from 1789 to 1797. He was later to write to James Madison, the “father of the Constitution”, that “As the first of every thing, in our situation will serve to establish a Precedent, it is devoutly wished on my part, that these precedents may be fixed on true principles.”
As the first President, Washington was selected, unanimously, by the Electoral College. Up to this point, while the colonies were united in their creation of the new nation, the people were divided into two “parties” – the “Federalists” supporting the Constitution and the “Anti-federalists” opposing it. The primary points of disagreement concerned the allocation of “Sovereignty” (power) between the new “Federal” government and the “Sovereign” states.
During the first decade of our new nation the Federalists were ascendant, led by then Secretary of the Treasury Alexander Hamilton. Washington believed that the area of foreign policy was primarily the concern of the presidency. Concerning Congress, he chose not to infringe on the policy making powers he felt the Constitution gave congress. This policy was mirrored by the first Vice President of the United States, John Adams, an ardent Federalist.
The anti-federalist opposition at that time was led by Thomas Jefferson and James Madison Jr. Jefferson knew that they needed a national party to challenge the growing Federalist party. About 1792 they organized the Democratic-Republican Party. They formally referred to themselves as “Republicans” after their ideology of “republicanism”.
Washington and Adams both served two terms in their respective offices. Washington, wearied from many years service to his country, declined to run for a third term in office. The elections of 1797 resulted in John Adams being elected the 2nd President of the United States and Thomas Jefferson becoming the 2nd Vice President of the United States (at that time the Vice President was still the candidate for President who received the second most number of votes).
The French Revolutionary Wars (1792-1802) caused further division within America with the Federalist Party, currently in control of Congress and the Presidency, favoring the United Kingdom and the Jay Treaty (1795) while the Democratic-Republicans, initially, favored the, seemingly more democratic, French Revolution and opposed the Jay Treaty.
The end result was the Republicans gaining control of Congress and, with the election of Thomas Jefferson as the third President, control of the Executive Branch in 1801. The Republicans retained control until 1816 while the Federalist Party gradually faded away, collapsing in 1815. The Democratic-Republicans gradually fractured, splitting apart in the 1820s.
As can be seen, throughout the period of the 1790s-1800s, political “parties” emerged in America divided along dearly held opinions of the proper duties and authority inherent in the different areas and levels (Federal & Local) of government and in what actions/lack of action by government were consistent with or in conflict with the founding principles of the Union.
One of the most notable aspects of this time was the attitude of the two opposing sides with respect to those founding principles. During his farewell speech, in 1796 President Washington offered (emphasis added) “…some sentiments which are the result of much reflection, of no inconsiderable observation, and which appear to me all-important to the permanency of your felicity as a people.”
– “The unity of government which constitutes you one people is also now dear to you. It is justly so, for it is a main pillar in the edifice of your real independence, the support of your tranquility at home, your peace abroad; of your safety; of your prosperity; of that very liberty which you so highly prize. But as it is easy to foresee that, from different causes and from different quarters, much pains will be taken, many artifices employed to weaken in your minds the conviction of this truth; as this is the point in your political fortress against which the batteries of internal and external enemies will be most constantly and actively (though often covertly and insidiously) directed, it is of infinite moment that you should properly estimate the immense value of your national union to your collective and individual happiness; that you should cherish a cordial, habitual, and immovable attachment to it; accustoming yourselves to think and speak of it as of the palladium of your political safety and prosperity; watching for its preservation with jealous anxiety; discountenancing whatever may suggest even a suspicion that it can in any event be abandoned; and indignantly frowning upon the first dawning of every attempt to alienate any portion of our country from the rest, or to enfeeble the sacred ties which now link together the various parts.”
– “I have already intimated to you the danger of parties in the State, with particular reference to the founding of them on geographical discriminations. Let me now take a more comprehensive view, and warn you in the most solemn manner against the baneful effects of the spirit of party generally.”
– “This spirit, unfortunately, is inseparable from our nature, having its root in the strongest passions of the human mind. It exists under different shapes in all governments, more or less stifled, controlled, or repressed; but, in those of the popular form, it is seen in its greatest rankness, and is truly their worst enemy.”
– “The alternate domination of one faction over another, sharpened by the spirit of revenge, natural to party dissension, which in different ages and countries has perpetrated the most horrid enormities, is itself a frightful despotism. But this leads at length to a more formal and permanent despotism. The disorders and miseries which result gradually incline the minds of men to seek security and repose in the absolute power of an individual; and sooner or later the chief of some prevailing faction, more able or more fortunate than his competitors, turns this disposition to the purposes of his own elevation, on the ruins of public liberty.”
– “Without looking forward to an extremity of this kind (which nevertheless ought not to be entirely out of sight), the common and continual mischiefs of the spirit of party are sufficient to make it the interest and duty of a wise people to discourage and restrain it.”
– “Of all the dispositions and habits which lead to political prosperity, religion and morality are indispensable supports. In vain would that man claim the tribute of patriotism, who should labor to subvert these great pillars of human happiness, these firmest props of the duties of men and citizens. The mere politician, equally with the pious man, ought to respect and to cherish them. A volume could not trace all their connections with private and public felicity. Let it simply be asked: Where is the security for property, for reputation, for life, if the sense of religious obligation desert the oaths which are the instruments of investigation in courts of justice ? And let us with caution indulge the supposition that morality can be maintained without religion. Whatever may be conceded to the influence of refined education on minds of peculiar structure, reason and experience both forbid us to expect that national morality can prevail in exclusion of religious principle.”
On March 4, 1801 President Thomas Jefferson took the oath of office as the third President of the United States of America. In his inaugural speech he cautioned:
– “During the contest of opinion through which we have past, the animation of discusions and of exertions has sometimes worn an aspect which might impose on strangers unused to think freely, and to speak and to write what they think; but this being now decided by the voice of the nation, announced according to the rules of the constitution all will of course arrange themselves under the will of the law, and unite in common efforts for the common good. All too will bear in mind this sacred principle, that though the will of the majority is in all cases to prevail, that will, to be rightful, must be reasonable; that the minority possess their equal rights, which equal laws must protect, and to violate would be oppression. Let us then, fellow citizens, unite with one heart and one mind, let us restore to social intercourse that harmony and affection without which liberty, and even life itself, are but dreary things. And let us reflect that having banished from our land that religious intolerance under which mankind so long bled and suffered, we have yet gained little if we countenance a political intolerance, as despotic, as wicked, and capable of as bitter and bloody persecutions. During the throes and convulsions of the ancient world, during the agonising spasms of infuriated man, seeking through blood and slaughter his long lost liberty, it was not wonderful that the agitation of the billows should reach even this distant and peaceful shore; that this should be more felt and feared by some and less by others; and should divide opinions as to measures of safety; but every difference of opinion is not a difference of principle. We have called by different names brethren of the same principle. We are all republicans: we are all federalists”
Within these flowery sentiments, from two statesmen differing in the application of principle yet in agreement of principle, lies the strength of a nation dedicated to “…one Nation under God, indivisible, with liberty and justice for all.”
Now, I challenge you to compare these actions and sentiments to the “Court of Star Chamber” that was the disgrace of the left’s AXIS OF EVIL persecution of an innocent man! If you cannot see the difference – “go home from us in peace”!